Godana Boru

Gabra Historical Texts (1978-1982) Number: 006

Sorr, Dukana

November 3, 1978

INTERVIEWED BY: Paul W. Robinson TRANSLATION BY: Wata Guyo Ibrae

“When Tite Guracha (rinderpest) finished animals, my father himself went to the Konso. In Gumat (Friday year) cattle died. Gumat. Yes, cattle died… In that GUMAT (Friday year), he went to the Konso…The animals were finished. Because of hunger, he went to the land of farms. The Konso were farmers… 

Except for those people who had camels, everybody died. People with camels went this way. The others all went to the Konso and Arbore. The Arbore… Tite Guracha separated the Borana. The Gabra who went this way have camels even now. The Gabra who had cattle were finished by Tite Guracha. They disappeared among the Konso. They also went to the Arbore.” 

(Godana Boru) 

Biography

Early during my study, I traveled from the Chalbi lowlands to Dukana, a relatively better-watered landscape between the Hurri Hills, the Ethiopian highlands, and Lake Turkana. It is a region where people of multiple cultural and economic backgroundsfreely moved livestock, trade goods, and ideas across what in the 20th century became the Kenya-Ethiopia border.  

Godana Boru had spent much of his life in this region, and his memories reveal that world connected by migration routes, wells, kinship ties, and trading networks rather than by fixed political boundaries.  

When I spoke with Godana in November 1978 at Sorr (near Dukana), I encountered an elder whose understanding of history extended far beyond the immediate concerns of his own community. 

Godana’s life embodied this borderland experience. He explained that his father survived the devastation of Chin Tite Guracha by seeking refuge among the Konso, where he eventually became a Shumi (chief). Godana himself was born in Konso and grew up with firsthand knowledge of the close relationships linking Gabra, Konso, Borana, Arbore, and other neighboring peoples. His family’s history illustrates the fluidity of identity and belonging that characterized the region during times of drought, disease, and social upheaval.  

While some elders organized their knowledge through formal chronology, Godana understood history through relationships. Genealogies, clan affiliations, migrations, and remembered events formed an interconnected web through which he reconstructed the past. Questions about conflict led to discussions of ancestry; questions about place led to stories of migration; questions about drought opened to broader narratives of social transformation. To modern readers his style may appear digressive, but it reflects a deeply relational way of understanding the world in which people, places, and events are never separated from one another.  

One of the central themes running through Godana’s testimony is the memory of Chin Tite Guracha, the great livestock catastrophe of the late eighteenth century that devastated cattle herds across the region and beyond, over much of the African continent. For Godana, this was not simply a disease outbreak but a defining historical rupture that reshaped communities, livelihoods, and identities. Many of the migrations, alliances, and settlements he describes are explained in relation to its aftermath.  

Godana also possessed a broad knowledge of regional geography. He spoke of wells, grazing areas, migration routes, and historical territories stretching across northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia. He credited a somewhat mythical people, the Wardai, with digging many of the wells used by later generations and recounted traditions concerning the movements of Rendille, Gabra, Borana, and other peoples. These accounts revealed a man whose mental map encompassed an enormous geographical area and whose historical imagination was regional rather than local.  

Perhaps most memorable to me all these decades later was the force of Godana’s personality. He was not a passive respondent. At several points he challenged my questions, corrected my assumptions, and insisted on his own understanding of events. I originally described this interview as “chaotic”, less like a formal question-and-answer session and more a lively conversation among people jointly struggling to interpret the past. Through all that emerged the portrait of an elder deeply confident in his knowledge and determined to ensure that history was understood in its full complexity.  

 

Interview Summary

Interviewed at Sorr, near Dukana, in November 1978, Godana Boru offers a wide-ranging account of Gabra history as remembered from the frontier between present-day Kenya and Ethiopia. His narrative glides through genealogies, migrations, droughts, conflicts, and relations among neighboring peoples, including the Borana, Konso, Arbore, RendilleWardai, Korre (Samburu), and Somidero (Turkana)

Rather than presenting history as a sequence of events, Godana explained the past through connections among people, places, and lineages.

A major theme of the interview is the catastrophic rinderpest panzootic known as Chin Tite Guracha. Godana described it as a turning point in regional history that destroyed cattle herds, caused widespread hunger, and forced many Gabra families to seek refuge among neighboring communities. According to his account, some families – including his own – migrated to Konso and Arbore territories in present-day Ethiopia, where many remained permanently and became absorbed into those societies. He understood the epidemic as an environmental disaster and as a transformative event that reshaped settlement patterns, livelihoods, and social identities across the region.  

As noted in his Biography/Profile, of particular importance is Godana’s account of his own family history. He recounted how his father survived the famine by moving to Konso, where he eventually rose to become a Shumi (chief). Godana himself stated that he was born there. This personal narrative provides a rare personal glimpse into the mobility of people across ethnic boundaries and illustrates how migrants could become integrated into neighboring societies while maintaining memories of their Gabra origins.  

The conversation also contains valuable observations concerning trade, migration routes, water resources, and territorial history. Godana discussed long-distance trade between the Konso and surrounding pastoral communities, seasonal movements during drought, and the historical importance of wells. He attributed many of the region’s wells to the Wardai and repeatedly emphasized the deep historical connections among peoples who today are often regarded as separate communities.  

Throughout the interview, Godana demonstrated an expansive understanding of the borderlands stretching from Marsabit to the Chalbi to Konso, Arbore, and Borana territories in southern Ethiopia. For him, these places formed a single interconnected historical landscape shaped by movement, kinship, conflict, and exchange.  

His testimony provides a valuable reminder that modern political boundaries often obscure older patterns of regional interaction and shared history.  

 

Conversation notes

Not every important conversation unfolds in orderly fashion. Some develop through interruptions, changing participants, remembered stories, and the natural rhythm of community life. My interview with Godana Boru was one such conversation.

At first encounter it may appear less structured than many others in this collection, yet its apparent disorder reveals something equally valuable: historical knowledge is often created and shared within the flow of everyday social life rather than in carefully arranged interviews. 

Godana was interviewed at Dukana, a settlement whose location near the Kenya-Ethiopia border long made it a place of movement, encounter, and exchange. Such settings rarely produce quiet, uninterrupted conversations. People came and went, others contributed observations, memories stimulated further memories, and the conversation developed collectively rather than according to a predetermined sequence. Rather than diminishing the interview, this context helps explain its distinctive character. 

Within the collection, Godana’s contribution is that of a community witness. He spoke not as someone intent upon constructing a comprehensive historical narrative, but as an elder whose memories remained deeply embedded in the social world around him. His observations moved naturally between personal experience, local events, relationships among neighboring peoples, and the practical realities of life in a borderland. Readers/listeners gain not only historical information but also a sense of how memory itself circulates within a community. 

One of the interview’s strengths lies in its authenticity. Little effort was made to impose order upon the discussion. Instead, the conversation retainsed the spontaneity of lived experience, reminding us that oral history is seldom produced under laboratory conditions. Its rhythms are those of ordinary human interaction. 

Looking back across the body of those interviews of 1978-81, Godana’s interview provides an important counterpoint to the more sustained dialogues with elders such as Yatani Sorale and Dabasso Idho. It reminded me that no single style of remembering defined Gabra historical knowledge. Some elders taught through careful exposition, others through reflective dialogue, and still others through conversations that emerged collectively from the life of the community itself. 

Godana’s interview offers an invitation to listen differently. Rather than searching for a single continuous narrative, it asks us to appreciate the richness that emerges when history is remembered together. 

 

Original Transcript

Interview Recording

Kenya National Archives Reference

KENYA NATIONAL ARCHIVES KNADS REFERENCE Tape Number: 4-7 Call Number: 398.2TOC Account Number: 967858 Sides: A & B