Dalacha Dabasso Idho II

Gabra Historical Texts (2023-2024) Number: GHT010

Kalacha

June 3, 2024

STUDY TEAM: Paul W. Robinson & Wata Guyo Ibrae 

CONVERSATIONIST & TRANSLATION: Wata Guyo Ibrae 

“We have now ‘lost’ our customary practices. There is no goodness for us in life if we lose these rituals. This is why I don’t like [town life]. For water, [this life] is good.  

I do not get thirsty. We are not contented with for our finna [rain, health, prosperity, etc.] If you ask me about it. Why I do not like [living in the town] is losing our traditions. I find it difficult to abandon my custom…  

This life is something I have adopted. I have seen that we have no hunger or thirst. But I am not contented with that. There is nothing here that will make me forget my past life. There is nothing here to make me forget my old traditions. I have not seen anything here to make me forget my past and my traditions. I have seen nothing here to make me forget my past.  

Dalacha: Our [well-being] is dependent on our tradition. [Now] there is nothing. Our finna [well-being] is dependent on tradition.”  

(Dalacha Dabasso Idho) 

Biography

Dalacha Dabasso Idho was 101 years old when Wata Guyo interviewed him at Kalacha on June 3, 2024. He is a member of the Karbayo clan of the Gara section of the Gabra and identifies his birth year as Gumat Bini, 1923–24. Although official identification records did not preserve his age accurately, Dalacha was clear that he had completed approximately one hundred years of life.  

Dalacha is a son of Dabasso Idho, one of the elders interviewed during our original Gabra Historical Texts research of 1978–81. In recalling one Sabdi year, Dalacha himself refers to the occasion when we brought his father from Maikona to Kalacha in 1978 for those earlier interviews.  

 Dalacha was born, raised, married, and had children while living in the rangelands. Much of his adult life was spent within the mobile pastoral economy, moving with livestock between grazing areas and water sources. He remembers periods in the Hurri Hills, Forole, Maikona, North Horr, Lake Turkana, southern Ethiopia, and numerous other places across the Gabra rangelands. Camels carried household belongings and water, while livestock movements responded to rainfall, pasture, drought, marriage, ritual obligations, and changing conditions.  

 Dalacha settled permanently in Kalacha during Arba Olla (the Wednesday year of drought) in 1991. By the time of these interviews he had therefore spent roughly three decades living in town, after a much longer life in the rangelands.  

 His historical memory is closely tied to the Gabra calendar. In GHT.010, Dalacha reconstructed more than four decades of named years, rainfall conditions, droughts, migrations, livestock losses, disease, conflict, political events, and ritual transitions. In both these conversations Dalacha’s insights reflect the cumulative knowledge of an elder whose life reaches back into his father’s generation. 

Original Transcript

Interview Recording

Synopsis

In this second conversation, Wata Guyo asked Dalacha Dabasso Idho to reflect on the changes he had witnessed across a century of life. Having spent most of his life moving with livestock before settling permanently in Kalacha in 1991, Dalacha compared the advantages and disadvantages of mobile pastoralism with contemporary settled life. 

Dalacha recalled nomadic life, noting in particular the difficulties of obtaining water for people and livestock, and the freedom to move animals to distant pastures during drought. Settlement, he affirmed, had relieved him of thirst, but separated him from the livestock upon which his household once depended. He observed that the expansion of permanent water points and settlements had diminished the availability of reserve pastures. The disappearance of trained baggage camels has also made it difficult for households to even contemplate a return to the old ways. 

 The conversation turned to other changes Dalacha has found troubling. Children attending school are no longer available to care for livestock, while the growing importance of money, recurrent drought, and aspirations for town life threaten the future of livestock keeping. Above all, Dalacha was concerned that settlement has made it difficult to fulfill customary and ritual obligations, including ceremonies that once required movement to particular places. 

 Asked which life he preferred, Dalacha acknowledged the comforts of town but at the same time expressed deep dissatisfaction. He returned to finna, the Gabra understanding of well-being, insisting that freedom from hunger and thirst is not sufficient. “Our finna [well-being] is dependent on tradition,” he told Wata. 

Interview Summary

In this second conversation, Wata asked Dalacha to reflect on the changes he had witnessed across a full century of life. Dalacha was born, raised, married, and had children in the rangelands, lived most of his adult life within a mobile livestock economy, and then spent more than thirty years permanently settled in Kalacha. 

Dalacha first compared movement and settlement. In the past, he lived far from permanent water and depended upon camels to transport water in bute (jugs woven from asparagus-root fiber). Children and young animals endured thirst, and livestock sometimes trekked considerable distances to water. He remembered a life in which his household depended directly and fully upon its livestock. Milk, meat, and other animal products sustained people, and during drought animals could be moved toward alol (pastures that remained lightly used because permanent water was unavailable). 

 Permanent settlement relieved one of the greatest hardships of that life. After moving to Kalacha, Dalacha said, thirst became “a thing of the past.” Water was nearby, and camels were no longer needed to carry it. And yet, he observed, Kalacha was not a good place for livestock. Animals had to be moved elsewhere for grazing, separating Dalacha and his household from the milk camels and goats upon which they once depended. “Now,” he told Wata, “I survive on what the town can offer.” 

 Dalacha believed that permanent water had also changed the surrounding grazing areas. Places that had once remained alol because they lacked water could now be settled and grazed throughout the year. “Water is everywhere,” he said, while the refuge pastures to which livestock once moved during difficult periods were disappearing. 

 Settlement also became increasingly difficult to reverse. Once people moved closer to water, food, roads, and towns, they began selling their rocho, the trained baggage camels required to transport households. Young male camels were no longer trained for that purpose. Without baggage animals, household migration increasingly required vehicles. 

 Wata then described Kulul Galgallo Dufu’s account of life at Kutur: people settled near water and roads while livestock remained farther away, with milk sometimes transported back by motorcycle. Dalacha immediately replied, “That is my view too.” 

 Dalacha connected these changes in mobility with changes in customary practices. Ceremonies such as Jilla Galani once required long-distance movement with pack camels. With fewer trained baggage camels, people increasingly traveled by vehicle or performed some rituals closer to settlements. Dalacha worried about what such changes meant for customary practice. 

 Education presented another difficulty. Dalacha understood why parents sent children to school: they hoped education would eventually provide income. But children in school were no longer available for the herding responsibilities through which younger generations had helped manage family livestock. Parents grew older while fewer children remained to herd. 

 Dalacha also observed that people increasingly valued livestock in terms of the money they could produce. Even when a household had only one goat remaining, he said, the temptation would be to sell it rather than use it to begin rebuilding a herd. Recurrent drought, declining herding labor, government policies, and aspirations for houses, vehicles, and town life all contributed to his fear that livestock keeping itself might eventually disappear. 

 He also associated changes in diet with changes in health. Dalacha believed that replacing livestock foods with purchased foods had contributed to illnesses he did not remember from the past. 

 Toward the end of the conversation, Wata asked which life Dalacha preferred. Dalacha chose the earlier life of mobile livestock husbandry, but not because he had forgotten its hardships. He had already acknowledged the enormous benefit of nearby water. What troubled him was the increasing difficulty of fulfilling customary obligations. In town his firstborn son might be absent, appropriate ritual places were more difficult to find, and sorio and other observances were harder to perform as he believed they should be. 

 Dalacha returned finally to finna, the Gabra concept of well-being. Town life had freed him from hunger and thirst, but that was not enough to make him content. “There is nothing here that will make me forget my past life,” he told Wata. “There is nothing here to make me forget my old traditions.” For Dalacha, the conclusion was direct: “Our finna [well-being] is dependent on tradition.” 

 

Notes

Dalacha’s comparison of mobile and settled life began with a distinction similar to the one Ruchi Kushi Roba had made: what is good for people may not be good for livestock. Permanent water freed Dalacha from one of the hardships he remembered most vividly—thirst—while settlement has separated people from animals that must still move elsewhere for pasture. He did not deny the benefits of settled life. His dissatisfaction arose from what those benefits have not replaced. 

His discussion of alol extends the understanding of drought he offered in his first interview. In that conversation, Dalacha explained that drought occurs when there is nowhere left to migrate. Here he described how permanent water could change the landscape upon which such migration depended. Areas that once remained lightly grazed because they lacked water now become continuously accessible. In Dalacha’s account, greater availability of water for people and livestock can reduce the availability of reserve pasture during drought. What appears as increased security in one respect may diminish resilience in another. 

 The disappearance of rocho camels show how such changes can become difficult to reverse. Once households ceased migrating, baggage camels were sold or no longer trained. Once those animals disappeared, migration itself became more difficult. Now it was necessary to hire transport vehicles. Settling is therefore not simply a decision to remain in one place; over time, it includes the loss of the material capacity to resume the earlier pattern of household movement. 

 Dalacha saw comparable changes in customary practice. For him, ritual was not separate from the material and geographical organization of pastoral life. Ceremonies depended upon livestock, particular people, movement, and particular places. Changing where people live, how they travel, and whether the necessary animals and relatives are available consequently changes the conditions under which customary practices can be performed. 

 This gives particular weight to Dalacha’s final discussion of finna. Freedom from hunger and thirst matter deeply to him, but he did not regard physical security alone as sufficient for well-being. Finna also depends upon being able to sustain relationships and practices through which life remains recognizably connected to adha. When Dalacha says that “our finna is dependent on tradition,” he is describing well-being as something social, material, moral, and customary at the same time. 

 His preference for the earlier life therefore should not be read simply as nostalgia for a remembered past. Dalacha knew what that life cost: thirst, difficult movement, distant water, and dependence upon uncertain rainfall and pasture. He nevertheless judged that something essential is lost when the conditions making that life possible are separated from one another. His dissatisfaction with town life lies not in forgetting its advantages, but in believing that those advantages cannot by themselves constitute a good life.